Role of Parliament in Germany Essay Example for Free

Role of Parliament in Germany Essay This article is about the current parliament of Germany. For the governing body of the Germany. Confederation from 1815 to 1866, see Bundesversammlung (German Confederation). Confederation from 1815 to 1866, see Bundesversammlung (German Confederation). The Bundestag (Federal Diet; pronounced [ˈbÊŠndÉ™staË k]) is a legislative body in Germany. In practice Germany is governed by a bicameral legislature, of which the Bundestag serves as the lower house and the Bundesrat the upper house. The Bundestag was established by the German Basic Law of 1949, as the successor to the earlier Reichstag. It meets in the Reichstag Building in Berlin. Norbert Lammert is the current President of the Bundestag. With the new constitution of 1949, the Bundestag was established as the new (West) German parliament. Because West Berlin was not officially under the jurisdiction of the Constitution and because of the Cold War, the Bundestag met in Bonn in several different buildings, including (provisionally) a former water works facility. In addition, owing to the citys legal status, citizens of West Berlin were unable to vote in elections to the Bundestag, and were instead represented by 20 non-voting delegates, indirectly elected by the citys House of Representatives. The Bundeshaus in Bonn is the former Parliament Building of Germany. The sessions of the German Bundestag were held there from 1949 until its move to Berlin in 1999. Today it houses the International Congress Centre Bundeshaus Bonn and in the north areas the branch office of the Bundesrat (upper house). The southern areas became part of German offices for the United Nations in 2008. The former Reichstag building housed a history exhibition (Fragen an die deutsche Geschichte) and served occasionally as a conference center. The Reichstag building was also occasionally used as a venue for sittings of the Bundestag and its committees and the Bundesversammlung, the body which elects the German Federal President. However the Soviets harshly protested against the use of the Reichstag building by institutions of the Federal Republic of Germany and tried to disturb the sittings by flying supersonic jets close to the building. Since 1999, the German parliament has again assembled in Berlin in its original Reichstag building, which dates from the 1890s and underwent a significant renovation under the lead of British architect Sir Norman Foster. Parliamentary committees and subcommittees, public hearings and faction meetings take place in three auxiliary buildings, which surround the Reichstag building: the Jakob-Kaiser-Haus, Paul-Là ¶be-Haus and Marie-Elisabeth-Là ¼ders-Haus. Together with the Bundesrat, the Bundestag is the legislative branch of the German political system. Although most legislation is initiated by the executive branch, the Bundestag considers the legislative function its most important responsibility, concentrating much of its energy on assessing and amending the governments legislative program. The committees (see below) play a prominent role in this process. Plenary sessions provide a forum for members to engage in public debate on legislative issues before them, but they tend to be well attended only when significant legislation is being considered. The Bundestag members are the only federal officials directly elected by the public; the Bundestag in turn elects the Chancellor and, in addition, exercises oversight of the executive branch on issues of both substantive policy and routine administration. This check on executive power can be employed through binding legislation, public debates on government policy, investigations, and direct questioning of the chancellor or cabinet officials. For example, the Bundestag can conduct a question hour (Fragestunde), in which a government representative responds to a previously submitted written question from a member. Members can ask related questions during the question hour. The questions can concern anything from a major policy issue to a specific constituents problem. Use of the question hour has increased markedly over the past forty years, with more than 20,000 questions being posed during the 1987-90 term. Understandably, the opposition parties are active in exercising the parliame ntary right to scrutinize government actions. One striking difference when comparing the Bundestag with the British Parliament is the lack of time spent on serving constituents in Germany. This is in part due to Germanys electoral system. A practical constraint on the expansion of constituent service is the limited personal staff of Bundestag deputies. Despite these constraints especially those deputies that are elected directly normally try to keep close contact with their constituents and to help them with their problems, particularly when they are related to federal policies or agencies. Constituent service does also take place in the form of the Petition Committee. In 2004, the Petition Committee received over 18,000 complaints from citizens and was able to negotiate a mutually satisfactory solution to more than half of them. In 2005, as a pilot of the potential of internet petitions, a version of e-Petitioner was produced for the Bundestag. This was a collaborative project involving The Scottish Parliament, International Teledemocracy Centre and the Bundestag ‘Online Services Department’. The system was formally launched on 1 September 2005, and in 2008 the Bundestag moved to a new system based on its evaluation.[1] ELECTION : Members serve four-year terms; elections are held every four years, or earlier in the relatively rare case that the Bundestag is dissolved prematurely by the president. The Bundestag can be dissolved by the president on the recommendation of the chancellor if the latter has lost a vote of confidence in the Bundestag. This has happened three times: 1972 under Chancellor Willy Brandt, 1983 under Chancellor Helmut Kohl and 2005 under Chancellor Gerhard Schrà ¶der. All candidates must be at least eighteen years old; there are no term limits. The election uses the MMP electoral system. In addition, the Bundestag has a minimum threshold of either 5% of the national party vote or three (directly elected) constituency representatives for a party to gain additional representation through the system of proportional representation. Thus, small minority parties cannot easily enter the Bundestag and prevent the formation of stable majority governments as they could under the Weimar constitution. Since 1961, only two new parties (Bà ¼ndnis 90/Die Grà ¼nen and PDS/Die Linke) have entered the Bundestag. The most recent election, the German federal election, 2009, was held on September 27, 2009.[2] Distribution of seats in the Bundestag Half of the Members of the Bundestag are elected directly from 299 constituencies (first-past-the-post system), the other half are elected from the parties’ Land lists in such a way as to achieve proportional representation for the total Bundestag (if possible). Accordingly, each voter has two votes in the elections to the Bundestag. The first vote, allowing voters to elect their local representatives to the Bundestag, decides which candidates are sent to Parliament from the constituencies. The second vote is cast for a party list; it determines the relative strengths of the parties represented in the Bundestag. At least 598 Members of the Bundestag are elected in this way. Parties that gain more than 5% of the second votes or win at least 3 direct mandates are allocated seats in the Bundestag in proportion to the number of votes it has received (dHondt method until 1987, largest remainder method until the 2005 election, now Sainte-Laguà « method). When the total number of mandates gained by a party has been determined, they are distributed between the Land lists. The distribution of the seats of that party to the 16 Lands is proportional to that partys second vote results in the Lands. The first of the mandates allocated to each Land go to the candidates who have won direct mandates in that Land. The rest are assigned in order to the candidates on the Land list put forward before the election. In addition to this, there are certain circumstances in which some candidates win what are known as overhang seats when the seats are being distributed. If a party has gained more direct mandates in a Land than it is entitled to according to the results of the second vote, it does not forfeit these mandates because all directly elected candidates are guaranteed a seat in the Bundestag. ORGANISATIONS : Parliamentary groups The most important organisational structures within the Bundestag are parliamentary groups (Fraktionen; sing. Fraktion), which are formed by political parties represented in the chamber which incorporate more than 5% of the Bundestag legislators; CDU and CSU have always formed a single united Fraktion. The size of a partys Fraktion determines the extent of its representation on legislative committees, the time slots allotted for speaking, the number of committee chairs it can hold, and its representation in executive bodies of the Bundestag. The Fraktionen, not the members, receive the bulk of government funding for legislative and administrative activities. The Bundestags executive bodies include the Council of Elders and the Presidium. The council consists of the Bundestag leadership, together with the most senior representatives of each fraktion, with the number of these representatives tied to the strength of the Parliamentary groups in the chamber. The council is the coordination hub, determining the daily legislative agenda and assigning committee chairpersons based on Parliamentary group representation. The council also serves as an important forum for interparty negotiations on specific legislation and procedural issues. The Presidium is responsible for the routine administration of the Bundestag, including its clerical and research activities. It consists of the chambers president (usually elected from the largest fraktion) and vice presidents (one from each fraktion).

Educating Rita by Willy Russell Essay Example for Free

Educating Rita by Willy Russell Essay Rita, Frank and their relationship change throughout the play. Ritas education and confidence both grow as the story progresses. Franks attitude towards life declines dramatically en route for the middle of the play but there is hint of improvement at the end. Their relationship undergoes many changes during the play. They grow apart, slowly and eventually reach a point where their separation is much needed and inevitable, although their feelings towards each other are of affection once again. At the beginning of the play Rita is a stereotypical working class girl, with little education and a lot of determination. She uses a lot of slang and colloquial language, stupid bleedin handle and off me cake, which shows her lack of education and her class. Rita appears ro be a confident girl, but she uses humour to cover up her nerves, thats what I do. Y know when Im nervous. Rita is also a lively, talkative person and very blunt and forthright. She shows this when she takes the pencil from Frank and scribbles out the letter S. Rita has a particularly determined character. At the start of the play she knows that she wants an improved life, with choices and she knows an education will give her that. So she is making sure she is going to get it, even at the cost of her marriage. When Rita leaves Denny she still wants to learn and discuss her Macbeth essay immediately. At the beginning of Act 2 Scene 2 Rita is seen oiling Franks door. This shows her determination and that she follows through her word, does what she says she will. Russell uses stage directions to show Ritas energy, the door bursts open and Rita flies in. The words flies and burst convey bubbly, lively movements and therefore her energetic character. At the start of this play Frank is a stereotypical upper-middle-class man. He is apathetic sarcastic and relatively independent. Frank uses Standard English and Received Pronunciation, showing his high class and good  education. He asks pardon? instead of what? and explains that the Open University is supposed to embrace a more comprehensive studentship. Frank is not dependant on anyone, but he drinks a lot and I think that he relies on alcohol a great deal. Therefore I would not say he is totally independent. Frank is very sarcastic and quick witted. He uses his sarcasm as a defence mechanism, or to make a point. He doesnt use it nastily or to hurt anyone. I sometimes get an urge to throw something through ita student usually. This shows him using sarcasm for humour but it also shows his disinterested, lazy attitude to life. Frank is bored of his life but, unlike Rita, he cannot be bothered to change it. He finds himself dull and tells Rita that she is the first breath of air thats been in this room for years. He does not want Rita as a student as he sees her as a lot of work, this shows his lazy attitude. However, the audience could also see this as a selfless and considerate moment. He does not want to take Rita on as a student as he does not think he is capable of teaching her. Frank is extremely clever and refers to high culture, such as T.S Elliot and Yeats, showing his high education and understanding. At the start of the play Frank is bored, funny, sarcastic, clever and shrewd. Frank and Rita get to know each other well and are very close, at the beginning of the play. They flirt and compliment each other, he doesnt half get on my tits/Frank: Good. Youll have to show me some evidence/Rita: Y dirty sod. And Right now theres a thousand things Id rather do than teach, most of them with you my dear. They trust one another and show this through discussion of their personal issues, I live with a girl. Ex-student. Shes very caring, very tolerant, admires me tremendously and spends a great deal of time putting her head in the oven. They then go on to discuss Julia and Franks relationship. Their ability to talk freely to each other shows that they are at ease in each  others company, relaxed and confident around one another. Nevertheless, their relationship is not always easy. It is hampered by their different frames of reference. At one point Frank thinks Rita is joking about T.S Elliot the poet, when in fact she is referring to Elliot Ness, y know, the famous Chicago copper who caught Al Capone. At another point Rita is calling Frank a Flora man from the advert for the butter: flora. Frank assumes she means flora as in flowers. However, Frank and Rita have a mutual understanding of each other, which helps them work through and get beyond their misunderstandings. Their differences intrigue and fascinate one another. This helps keep their relationship alive and fresh. In the middle of the play we see dramatic changes in Rita. Right at the beginning of Act 2 Russell indicates a change by Rita entering wearing new second hand clothes. Rita is at a very difficult point in her change. She has come so far and cannot go back to where she used to be, but she is finding it difficult to carry on, she is half way and stuck in between two worlds. Rita chooses to persevere. Rita has much more confidence and is using humour to hide behind less. She is more educated and has been influenced by lots of people over the summer. Her confidence shows when she tells Frank about summer school. She explains how she asked a question even though everyone was looking at her and two thousand people had seen me stand up. She then goes on to say, after that I was askin questions all week. Before summer school Rita wouldnt have dared do something like that. As well as her confidence improving she is now using more Standard English, although still using colloquial language. Summer has had some less positive effects on Rita, too. She has been very influenced by Trish and although she has now got a better understanding of literature she still does not have her own views. She has merely swapped Franks opinions for Trishs opinions. Frank comes back from holiday even more fed-up with life than before. Rita asks him what France was like, marvelling at the opportunity to go abroad. Frank gives an uninterested answer of well it was rather hot. He is very dismissive, taking for granted the occasion of going abroad and his answer is slightly hostile and cold. He seems to be more apathetic and very low, not recognising that he has got so much going for him. it is indeed because I have got so much going for me that I do itI need the drink to help me step delicately through life. This comment shows that he is still using sarcasm, it shows his sad view on his life and he tells us that he needs drink. This informs us that he has become very reliant on drink. He is worse than he was before, turning up to lectures drunk and not taking anything seriously. He does not even bother to hide the drink anymore. He carries it, in his briefcase, to lectures. The briefcase symbolises work, so to carry alcohol in it shows just how little he cares. Frank now chooses to ignore his education; Rubyfruit Jungle is excellent. He is reverting to how Rita was. Whereas, Rita now has a view, shows her understanding and expresses it formally. They have echoed each other. Franks language has also changed. He is reiterating phrases from Rita, completely off me cake, and he has picked up some of her slang. He is still sarcastic, but sometimes in a hostile, jeering way, like when he shouts names at Rita Charlotte? Or Jane? Or Emily? At the mid-point in the play Frank is hopeless, he challenges Rita saying and well all live happily ever after? Saying this squashes dreams, is sarcastic and apathetic and takes a completely pessimistic outlook on life,  his decline is continuous. Their relationship dwindles when they meet again after summer. The changes in Rita have a big role to play in the downward spiral of their relationship. Rita is becoming more independent, She needs Frank less, he begrudges her this and it causes tension. Dont y like me now that the little girls grown up, now that y can no longer bounce me on daddys knee an watch me stare back in wide eyed wonder at everything he has to say? They understand each other less and know little about each others lives. It struck me there was a time you told me everything, Frank is wistful and shows a sense of longing. He feels Rita slipping away, I cant bear you anymore, he tells her, you dont have to put in a visit out of sentimentality. They no longer have a close relationship and Frank misses and feels bitter about that. They become increasingly resentful towards each other. Frank start to get jealous and resentful of Trish, this feeling fuels further conflict. Will you kindly tell Trish that I am not giving a tutorial to a Dalek. This remark shows coldness in their relationship, the warmth, flirting and friendly banter has gone. At the end of the play Rita has more choices than before, she is educated, confident and able to think for herself. Rita is undecided what the next step in her life should be, but she now has a choice and this is what she set out for: to be able to choose. I might go to France. I might go to my mothers. I might even have a baby. I dunno. Ill make a decision, Ill choose. I dunno. She is educated now and has passed her exam. Arguably more important is that she is no wise. She can think for herself, think logically and develop her own opinions. You woulda loved it if Id written Frank knows all the answers across me paper, wouldnt y? However, Rita did not and this shows  her education and thinking skills. She uses Standard English more now, such as scholarly neckline. Again showing her education. Rita is no longer hiding behind humour, but she is genuinely confident and still funny. Probably the biggest change in Rita from beginning to end is that she now understands Franks views and realises he was and is on her side. She places a Christmas card with the others already there. The card is a token of friendship and signifies her realisation that what she had was not all that valuable. Her realisation shows how she has matured, changed her way of thinking and now feels more kindly for Frank. Frank is now sober and hints that he will make a change in his life. There is now some optimism. He is trying to think well of his move to Australia, things are just beginning there this implies he will take this as an opportunity to start fresh, itd be good for us to leave a place thats just finishing for one thats just beginning. Frank accepts the changes in Rita and shows his thoughtful side when he gives her the dress. He also has a realistic moment and says, I was rather pissed when I bought it. He is not pretending to be a reformed character and he is reminding the audience of his drinking and old habits. Frank is now using Standard English again, metaphorically. And as it was metaphorically the sentence was reduced from the sack to two years in Australia. He is still humorous, Forsters lager they call it, and is sarcasm is still there, but it is no longer hostile. Although Frank is in a worse position than at the start of the play there is hint of improvement and a better life. Ritas response to Trishs suicide and Franks realisation of the need to change has resulted in a greater mutual understanding and a friendlier relationship. I knew how much it had come to mean to you. Frank did not like Rita in the middle of the play but understands why she was like that. They both accept the changes in each other. Rita now appreciates all the help Frank gave her, I came to tell you youre a good teacher. Frank realises her learnt a lot from Rita, too, all Ive ever done is taken from you. Ive never given anything/Frank: thats not true. Youve They understand that they have got to go their separate ways now, and move their lives on, but they part on good terms. Rita begins as a stereotypical working-class girl, with a poor education, who hid behind humour. She goes through a series of changes and ends the play as a confident, wise, educated young lady, ready to make her own choices and get on with her life. Frank begin as a upper-middle-class man, he was very sarcastic, had a poor attitude towards life and relied on drink. As the book progressed he developed a serious drinking problem, became more and more apathetic and finally reached a point where he was on the verge of being sack. He eventually starts to get things into perspective and hints at a brighter future. The relationship between Rita and Frank began well, they complimented and trusted one another. They drifted apart and argued in the middle, but reconciled their relationship and parted on good terms. I think the main change in Rita was that she started with no choices, she had a hunger for more and great determination, which resulted in her gaining the ability to choose, and to choose wisely. I think this change in Rita was conveyed very well because as the story progresses we saw her make many decisions along the way. We saw how the choices she had to make got bigger  and bigger and how her ability to deal with the choices got better and better. The book finished with her thinking about the biggest choice; whether to have a baby or not. I think Franks character was portrayed well via his language and through his drinking habits. I really enjoyed the book and thought Russell kept me interested by adding new details along the way, we learnt more about the characters private lives as the story continued and this was an added interest. I think that the book had a good ending, as it was realistic. It showed how what they had done throughout the book and what choices they had made affected their position at the end of the book. This emphasised the theme of choice again.

The Changing Value Of The Currency Economics Essay

The Changing Value Of The Currency Economics Essay Exchange rates are relatively the most common issue that any government are willing to analyse. Except from factors such as interest rate and the inflation, the exchange rate is the most important economic indicators that are more likely affecting the largest economy in the world (Hill 2006). This report is aim to provide an overview of the international currency wars in between China and the US which recently have been highlighted in the medium. The Republic of China is one of those countries which economically called as an emerging economy. This decade has seen the rise of China economy in international trade, according to the World Trade Organisation; it is currently the third largest trading nation (WTO.org, 2010). In Section 1, graph figure 1.1 will be analysing the China Yuan against the US$ for the past 12 months starting from 2010 October. Part 2 of the report will be discussing and evaluating the merits of appreciation and depreciation of the Country`s currency related to its economic and business aspect. Briefly describe (with a Figure, labelled Figure 1.1 etc with a title, key and source of the data) the path of the currency against the US$ over the past 12 months Part 2 Figure 1.1 (Source: yahoo.com/finance) Table 1.1 Percentage change Calculation : 1 US$ to China (Renminbi/Yuan) = 02/11/09 = 6.82890 02/11/10 = 6.70090 Source: http://www.oanda.com/currency/historical-rates Percentage change for the past 12 months is 1.9% decreases of Renminbi/Yuan to US$. In other words, the US dollar has appreciated over the 12 months from November 2009 to November 2010. The reason behind this change as compared to previous months, when the Renminbi/Yuan has remained almost fixed for more than a year is government intervention policy. In the next part of this report, further research will justified this change. Explain the key factors that have contributed to the changing value of the currency and comment on the relationship of these factors to exchange rate theories. In 2009, the China Yuan remained more likely constant by floating averagely around 6.85Yuan to 1$. This constant fixed float have been caused by inflation furthermore The Chinadaily.com (2009) pointed that the National Bureau Statistic measured the rate of inflation in China in November 2009 and concluded the inflation as the major problem in the economy. On the other hand, FT.com (2009) reported that the inflation rate rose by 20% from 1995 to 1995 and this fixed rate anchor has helped china to gain price level stability which lasted until May 2010. In mid 2010 June/July the Central Bank of China has announced that the increase of Yuan would led to more flexibility, in the same way from July 2010 the exchange rate of the Yuan drastically slumped as a result of government intervention for example; According to Reuters (2010) china has deliberately devalued its currency thus making them having more emphasize on purchasing power parity and world market competition in terms of exports. This debate has been recently discussed during a G20 meeting in South Korea (Reuters, 2010). In addition, the US have also planned to buy bonds through quantitative easing, all this part of a planned strategy by the Obama Government who were focused for a weaker dollar for hope of more export in the next five years but with the appreciation of the dollar, there are no hope of more exports in the future. (Reuters.com, 2010). To an extent, the decrease of 1.9% of the Yuan/Renminbi and the appreciation of the US$ might affect directly FDI and MNE`s, in the contrary a dollar depreciation will serve a longer term interest by generating inflation and lessen the debt of the US. Discuss the relative merits of currency appreciation/depreciation; including the economic and business implications in the country you are looking at. The value of a currency can vary with time and affect different factors in an economy, either domestically or internationally. Various factors such as inflation, employment rate, balance of payment and GDP (Hill 2006:?) Changes in exchange rates are described as depreciation and appreciations, for instance if the Yuan changes from 6.68 Yuan per dollar to 6.58 Yuan per dollar, it shows depreciation (Krugman 2006). Depreciation will also serve as long term interest by generating inflation and also help in reducing the national debt (Hill 2006). Furthermore a depreciation of a currency for instance China; can add more value to economic terms of a country for example more future prospect of Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) which other words promotes MNE`s to adjust their organisation on a local based operation. Secondly, the public and private transfer payments, thirdly, the house of property might be cheaper for foreign investors who wish to buy land or real estate investments. In brief, if China does not raise its currency, the imports of the country might increase thus leading more deficits in their national debt which is bad for economic growth. To solve the problem an increase in monetary policy with an increase of money supply. With the introduction of the Quantitative Easing (QE), the value of the currency depresses to those printing money and forces the value of other currency upfront (Salvatores, 2006). Consequently, the Economist (2010) stated that China`s government in mid-2010`s have been printing more money in order to buy bonds thus it shows that there has been a result of quantitative. Further research was mentioned by Krugman et al (2003) who suggested that an appreciation of a country`s currency makes its goods more expensive for foreigners. In theory, a rise of China currency would benefits the country as the consumers would have more purchasing power, secondly lower inflation rates. To back up this theory, a report from Reuters (2010) indicate that the Chinese governments are planning to raise their currency exchange rate but this could result to an economic downturn in its microeconomic environment such as unemployment and downturn to small businesses and if it happen to appreciate more in the future, it would eventually have a big impact for the exporters. Furthermore, The New York times (2010) argued that China is manipulating its currency by keeping it artificially under-valued as a mean of increasing its exports and boosting its economic growth (NewYork Times, 2010). On the other hand, a devaluation of the Yuan would benefit multinational corporations (Hill 2006). Multinational organisations have been outsourcing and relying on China for their product and services, a weaker Yuan would help them be more productive for example the case of Nike, apple and others American Companies which have joint ventures with Chinese company for manufacturing their product at cheap reliable price.(Ref) Conclusion The battle of currency wars in between the China and the United States are well discussed into the medium, until recently the appreciation of the dollar to the yuan in Mid- 2010 after more than a year of the exchange rate being relatively fixed. This international currency wars might start to be a common practice used by other countries to take advantage of economic downturns of certain countries weaken by recession or economic growth for example countries such as Greece and Iceland. To sum up, China managed to initiate its floating currency which was based on market demand. This mechanism has productively promoted an economic restructuration and sustainable development on leveraging its macro- economic environment (Nexis.com, 2010).

Anne Frank Essay -- essays research papers

On June 12, 1929, at 7:30 A.M. a baby girl was born in Frankfurt, Germany. No one realized that this infant, who was Jewish, was destined to become one of the world’s most famous victims of World War II. Her name was Anne Frank, and her parents were Edith Frank Hollandar and Otto Frank. She had one sister, Margot, who was three years older than she was. Anne led a happy and normal childhood, and on her 13th birthday she received a diary from her parents. It became special to her as years went by. It is through this diary that much about World War II and Anne’s life has been learned. In 1933, her and her family left Frankfurt, a large Jewish community, and settled in Amsterdam. Her father foresaw that Hitler’s power boded disaster for the Jews. In May 1940, the Nazi invasion of the Netherlands took place, which cast a shadow on Anne’s happy childhood. The situation became worse with the restrictions placed on the Jews. One restriction was that Jewish children were only allowed at Jewish schools. Anne went to the Jewish school called The Jewish Lyceum. In July 1942, Anne’s family went into hiding in the Prinsengracht building. Anne’s family called it the â€Å"Secret Annex†. During these times people they knew like, Miep and Jan Gies and many others, brought the family’s food. You would have to be very brave to take on a job like that because, if you got caught you could be killed. Life in the Annex was not easy at all. Anne had to wake up at 6:45 A.M. every morning. Nobody could go outside. No one could turn on lights at night. Anne mostly read books or wrote stories. Much of Anne’s diary was written while in hiding. Most of the families got separated, but Anne’s family never was. For this, they were lucky. In 1944, their hiding place was revealed, and they were taken into custody. The day after their arrest they were transferred to the Huis Van Bewaring, a prison on Weteringschans. On Aug. 8, they were transported from the main railroad station in Amsterdam to the Westerbork detention camp. For a month, the Franks were kept in the â€Å"disciplinary barracks†, not as ordinary prisoners, but inmates convicted of a crime. The crime was hiding. On September 3, 1944, aboard the last transport to leave the Netherlands, Anne’s family and those who were with them, were brought to the Auschwitz-Birkenau extermination camp. By then more than 100,000 Dutch Jews had been ... ... Auschwitz, near Krakow, was the largest concentration camp, with inmates from all over Europe. Many Jewish and non-Jewish inmates performed industrial labor. The Nazis subjected some prisoners to medical experiments and gassed Jews and Roma (Gypsies). They also shot thousands of inmates, while others died from starvation or disease. Large crematories were constructed to incinerate the bodies. By the end of the war in 1945, millions of Jews-as wee as Slavs, Roma, homosexuals, Jehovah’s Witnesses, Communists, and others targeted by the Nazis-had been killed or had died in the Holocaust. In my opinion Anne Frank, The Diary of a Young Girl is a very sad, distressing book. It revels the life of a young innocent girl who is forced into hiding from the Nazis because of her religion, Judaism. It is also a very informing and very enlightening book. It introduces a time period of discrimination, unfair judgment, and power crazed individuals. With this it shows you the effect it has on the defenseless. Anne and her family are just one of the hundreds of thousands of families that were tortured. The thing that makes her story so intriguing is that it shows war in the eyes of a little girl.

Charles Darwins Theory of Evolution Essay -- Natural Selection, Evolu

Introduction It is commonly thought today that the theory of evolution originated from Charles Darwin in the nineteenth century. However, the idea that species mutate over time has been around for a long time in one form or another. Therefore, by Darwin’s time the idea that species change from one type into another was by no means new, but was rejected by most because the proponents of evolution could not come up with a satisfactory mechanism that would explain this change. But how did Darwin come up with an acceptable theory of evolution, and how did Darwin’s proposal of natural selection impact the theory of evolution? The answer lies in the study of the works of others, and in the works of Darwin himself, through his theories, his travels and his scientific pioneering. The most influential evolutionary theories prior to Darwin were those of Lamarck and Geoffrey St. Hilaire, developed between 1794 and 1830. Lamarck suggested that species evolve through the use or disuse of particular organs. In the classic example a giraffe that stretches its neck slightly to reach higher leaves will gain in neck length, and this small gain would be passed on to its offspring. (Poirier, McKee, 1999) St. Hilaire, on the other hand suggested that the change was discontinuous, large in magnitude, and occurred at the production of offspring. However, these theories of evolution were based on explanations that offered no demonstrated mechanism. (Bowler, 1990) Darwin’s theory of evolution differs in that it is based on three easily verified observations. First, individuals within a species vary from one another in morphology, physiology, and behavior. Second, variation is in some part heritable so that variant forms have offspring that ... .... What is Intelligent Design? Accessed 15 April 2015. http://www.arn.org/idfaq/whatisintelligentdesign.htm Himmelfarb, Gertrude. Darwin and the Darwinian Revolution. New York: Doubleday & Company Inc., 1959 Lewontin, R. C. Darwin and Mendel-the Materialist Revolution. In: Neyman (ed.) The Heritage of Copernicus. Cambridge: MIT Press. 1974. Poirier, F.E.; McKee, J.K. Understanding Human Evolution. Forth Edition. Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice Hall. 1999 Wilson, E.O. The Diversity of Life. New Edition. New York: W.W. Norton & Company, Inc.1999 Vorzimmer, Peter J. Charles Darwin: The years of Controversy; The Origin of Species and its Critics 1859-1882. Philadelphia: Temple University Press. 1970 Darwin, Charles Robert. Darwin, Francis, editor. The Autobiography of Charles Darwin and Selected Letters. New York: Dover publications Inc. 1958.

Anabolic Steriods Essay -- essays research papers

Amber Lee Smith Weight Lifting Mrs. Registar February 12, 2001 Anabolic Steriods Anabolic Steroids are synthetic compounds formulated to be like the male sex hormone testosterone. Many athletes use anabolic steroids male and female alike, such as body builders, weightlifters, baseball players, football players, swimmers, and runners. They do so because they mistakenly believe that they will gain strength and size. In a male, testosterone is released by the leydig cells in the testes. The testosterone has two main functions androgenic and anabolic. Androgenic is the development of male sex characteristics. Anabolic is the development of muscle tissue. To treat patients who suffer from a natural lack of testosterone pharmacoligists alter one form of testosterone slightly, increasing the length of time the drug is active. Testosterone was first isolated in 1935; soon forms of testosterone such as dianabol, durabolin, deca-durabolin, and winstrol were produced. One of the main effects of anabolic steroids is to increase the number of red blood cells and muscle tissue without producing much of the androgenic effects of testosterone. There are only four legal uses for steroid treatment for certain forms of cancer, pituitary dwarfism, and serious hormone disturbances. There are two forms of anabolic steroids those taken orally and those injected. The immediate effects of both are mood swings of many different kinds. In one study, physicians Ian Wilson, Arthur Prang , Jr., and Patricio Lara found that four out of five men suffering from depression when given a steroid suffered from delusions. A research team from Great Britain Found that a patient given steroids became dizzy, disoriented, and incoherent. It was stated that they â€Å"had a case of a young man who was diagnosed as schizophrenic, and Smith 2 took steroids to help with his weightlifting. After taking these drugs he suffered severe depression and anxiety and had trouble sleeping†(Layman and Annitto 126). Most people who use steroids do not have side affects this severe. Steroids make changes in the electroencephalogram (an image of brain el... ... steroids. I read from the researchers that anabolic steroids show few if any effects at all and I read from athletes that there is a very large effect on muscle gain and endurance. I came across only one book though that addressed this issue between researchers and athletes. The book said that The American College of Sports Medicine stated â€Å"a report on the use and abuse of anabolic steroids. It stated that for many people any benefits of anabolic steroids are small and not worth the health risk†(Hutson). Yet almost all the athletes who use anabolic steroids feel that the steroids had a great effect and that they would not have been successful without them. The big gap between researchers and athletes has caused a big controversy. Athletes say one thing and researchers say another. The researchers have found a reason that maybe is the cause that anabolic steroid users see effects that researchers say are not possible they call it the "placebo effect". The pl acebo effect works by the power of suggestion athletes believe that the steroids will improve their performance so they do. The placebo effect is real the performance is Smith 5 improved and the gains are not image

National Unity

CPPS Policy Factsheet: National Unity CPPS is pleased to bring to you its â€Å"CPPS Policy Fact Sheet† on national unity. In this factsheet, we will look at government policies which affect national unity and explore their effects on social cohesion and integrity in Malaysia. BACKGROUND Malaysia is one of the most plural and heterogeneous countries in the world, with three major ethnic groups — Malay, Chinese, and Indian — plus several other indigenous tribes. It has a checkered history, having been under four different colonial powers at one time or another since the 16th century. This ethnic and cultural diversity is reflected in the wide variety of languages spoken and religions practiced in Malaysia; even within the same ethnic group, various traditions prevail. Modern Malaysia is increasingly forced to confront the tensions arising from this fount of diversity, and the politics of race and religion. Malaysia has been free of ethnic bloodshed, but there remains much room for Malaysians to understand one another and to see each other as equal parts of an indivisible nation. National unity is a key target of government policy; the Department of National Unity is tasked with promoting greater integration amongst the country’s various communities. However, numerous government policies and laws differentiate between Malaysians on the basis of ethnic background, to the point that many feel they have been the target of discrimination. Overall Malaysians are pleased with the progress the country has made in coming to terms with its plural and diverse nature. Yet, there is still significant room for improvement and ensuring that every Malaysian believes there is a place for them under the Malaysian sun. FLASH POINTS The Department of National Unity defines national unity as â€Å"a situation in which all citizens from the various ethnic groups, religions, and states live in peace as one united nationality, giving full commitment to national identity based upon the Federal Constitution and the Rukunegara. † Wawasan 2020 (Vision 2020), a government policy targeting developed status for Malaysia by the year 2020, names national unity as a key component of a developed country. The â€Å"Bangsa Malaysia† (Malaysian Nation) policy mphasises â€Å"people being able to identify themselves with the country, speak Bahasa Malaysia (the Malay language) and accept the Constitution. † Prior to Bangsa Malaysia, the government’s main thrust towards national unity was the National Culture Policy implemented in 1971, which defined the â€Å"indigenous culture† and Islam as two important bases for the national culture. The 2006 National Education Blueprint targets ra cial polarisation in the school system, aiming to use classes on the Constitution and other such activities to bring students together, while promoting Mandarin and Tamil classes in national schools. In 2008, the government announced new quotas for government scholarships, with 55% allocated to the bumiputra and 45% for non-bumiputra; previously the quota stood at 90% to 10%. The old ethnic quota system in university admissions was abolished in 2004. The National Service programme which commenced in 2003 is meant to address racial polarisation and encourage national unity by bringing youths from a variety of backgrounds together in one setting. The New Economic Policy and other associated affirmative action programmes have helped dampen Malay fears of falling behind the rest of the nation socioeconomically, but also led to concerns of government-backed discrimination amongst the non -Malay communities. BASIC STATISTICS and FACTS Malays and other bumiputra comprise 65% of the population; Chinese make up 26%, and the Indians 8%. (2000 census) 60. 4% of Malaysians are Muslim, 19. 2% are Buddhist, 9. 1% are Christian, 6. 3% are Hindu, 2. % follow Confucianism/Taoism/ another traditional Chinese faith, and 2. 4% practice other faiths. (2000 census) 93% of Malays attend national schools, 90% of Chinese attend Chinese vernacular schools, and 70% of Indians attend Tamil vernacular schools. (Prime Minister’s address to the 2004 Malaysian Education Summit) Bumiputra corporate equity stands at 19. 4%. (Mid-Term Review of the 9th Malaysia Plan) 41% of Malaysians either describe national unity as â€Å"superficial† or â₠¬Å"imposed†, or believe there is no national unity at all in Malaysia. Merdeka Centre Ethnic Relations Perceptions Poll) 25% believe that Malaysians from different ethnic groups are drifting apart rather than becoming more united, and 15% believe that the situation will only worsen over the next decade. (Merdeka Centre Ethnic Relations Perceptions Poll) There is a clear correlation between age and mixing outside one’s own ethnic group; younger Malaysians are likelier to say they find it difficult to relate with those not from their own racial background, and less likely to say they like mixing with people of a different race. CPPS Minda Muda study) 22% do not have any friends from ethnic groups other than their own. Of those who do, 60% rarely or never take meals with their friends from other ethnic backgrounds. (Merdeka Centre Ethnic Relations Perceptions Poll) Roughly 2/3rds of young Malaysians’ close friends are primarily from the same ethnic group or religion as them. (CPPS Minda Muda study) Only 57% of Malaysians believe that government policies should focus on promoting interests common to all Malaysians, with 25% believing that government policies should focus on the interests of specific ethnic groups. Merdeka Centre Ethnic Relations Perceptions Poll) 75% of young Malays can say they have never been treated unfairly on account of their race; however, only 45% of their Chinese peers and 49% of the Indians say the same. For religious discrimination, the same figures stand at 82% for the Malays and 53% for others. (CPPS Minda Muda study) Recent polls suggest that ethnic inequality is the 2nd-most pressing issues faced by Malaysians, at 17%, with only price hikes and inflation considered more pressing, coming in at 20%. 3% are somewhat or very dissatisfied with government efforts to address ethnic inequality. (Merdeka Centre Voter Opinion Poll 4 th Quarter 2007) Article 153 of the Federal Constitution states: â€Å"It shall be the resp onsibility of the Yang di-Pertuan Agong to safeguard the special position of the Malays and natives of any of the States of Sabah and Sarawak and the legitimate interests of other communities in accordance with the provisions of this Article. † Article 153 has been used to permit quotas in the provision of public scholarships, civil service positions, and business licences. EDUCATION POLICIES Young Chinese Malaysians are considerably dissatisfied with the state of the education system when it comes to promoting national unity. (CPPS Minda Muda study) 64% of Chinese parents feel the education system is preparing students to be tolerant towards those of other races and religions, as opposed to 78% of Malay parents and 83% of Indian parents. (Merdeka Research Centre Education System Perceptions Survey) 86% of Malaysians believe that the time has come for a national education convention involving all races to review various aspects of our education policies. Merdeka Centre Education System Perceptions Survey) 42% of Malaysian youth reject a quota system for admissions to public universities. (Merdeka Centre Youth Expectations Survey) 37% of Malaysians believe that the streaming of primary education based on mother tongue will negatively affect ethnic relations in the long run. (Merdeka Centre Ethnic Relations Perceptions Poll) 12% believe that the best way to improve ethnic relations in the country is to standardise on one education system. Merdeka Centre Ethnic Relations Perceptions Poll) Incidents of intolerance in the school system are often publicised in the media. Recently, a teacher told her students Indians were monkeys and children of prostitutes. The government’s response in such cases has been unsatisfactory; in here, the teacher was only transferred, with no further apparent penalty. Students often attend different primary school systems according to their mother tongue, curbing opportunities for interaction between young of different ethnic backgrounds. At the secondary level, many bumiputra students opt for one of the MARA junior science colleges or other bumiputra-dominated boarding schools, further reducing young Malaysians’ exposure to peers from different backgrounds. Universiti Teknologi Mara (UiTM) is exclusively attended by bumiputra students; suggestions by Selangor Chief Minister Tan Sri Khalid Ibrahim that it take in 10% of non-bumiputra was protested violently by students. A former Minister of Higher Education publicly declared that he would never see non-bumiputra students set foot on the campus. Although the quota system for university admissions has been abolished, there are regular calls from within the ruling party (Umno) for its restoration. Suspicions remain that the quota system is still in place by de facto, as the proportion of admitted bumiputra continues to hover between 50% and 60%. The quota system for government scholarships remains, and moves to increase the non-bumiputra quota or abolish the quotas entirely have come under fire. National Service is a popular remedial programme for racial integration; 73% of youth believe it has a positive effect on national unity, and 87% say it ought to be retained. Merdeka Centre Youth Expectations Survey) ECONOMIC POLICIES The NEP has ended but broadly refers to affirmative action for the Bumiputera in social, economic, corporate, distributive trade, and educational aspects. Its relevance has been debated recently, with some groups calling to replace this with a non-racebased affirmative action policy, focusing instead on n eed and meritocracy. A key target of the NEP was to have the bumiputra control 30% of corporate equity by 1990; when this target was not met, successor policies continued with a variety of bumiputra preferences. The 30% goal remains a key target in economic policy, and claims that it has already been attained have met with withering criticism Under the Industrial Coordination Act, the state has wide-reaching powers to achieve the 30% target. This power was most frequently used in the 1970s, when vast restructuring of numerous private enterprises took place. Public corporations must have a bumiputra equity stake of at least 30%, although there are exceptions granted. Tax breaks for companies with 30% or more bumiputra ownership are common. The state has taken over several foreign enterprises and established numerous government-linked corporations (GLCs) with the explicit purpose of increasing the bumiputra equity share. Loose employment quotas apply to large establishments, which must employ staff in the same proportions as the overall ethnic composition of the country. Similar quotas also apply to the boards of directors for a number of firms. Civil service positions are subject to even more stringent quotas; a common and targeted ratio is 4 bumiputra to 1 non-bumiputra. There are overt bumiputra preferences in public procurement, where construction contracts, etc. re frequently given to bumiputra-controlled firms without an open tendering process. Government policy is to encourage GLCs to follow government procurement procedures, extending the preferences to the commercial sector. In a controversial move, Maybank in 2007 announced it would only utilise law firms with a bumiputra ownership stake of 51% or more; after public outcry, the policy was rolled back. Price discrimination, whereby the government subsidises bumiputra contractors’ bids, is also a frequent practice. All new real estate developments are required to provide a certain discount for bumiputra buyers. Shares in initial public offerings (IPOs) meant for bumiputra ownership are also frequently sold at a discount. No government policy has ever set explicit targets for inter- or intra-ethnic income inequality. The government monitors the incomes of various ethnic groups, but reducing income disparities or uplifting the poor in general is not a major priority. Studies indicate significant dissatisfaction amongst the Chinese population with the government’s economic policies, which a substantial number perceive as detrimental to national unity. CPPS Minda Muda study) 39% of Malaysian youth believe that Malay preferences in government assistance ought to be abolished. (Merdeka Centre Youth Expectations Survey) Source: CPPS Minda Muda study Policies for a Particular Group Only Sta teme nts on Econ Policies good for Economic unity Policie s 1. 17 1. 04 1. 96 0 1 2 3 4 5 2. 17 1. 93 2. 48 4. 01 3. 4 4. 2 Indian/Others Chinese Malay NEP good for unity RELIGION and the LAW Amongst non- Muslims, concern is growing that Islamic law as practiced in Malaysia impinges on some of their rights. The Lina Joy case in 2007 ended with the apex Federal Court ruling 2-1 that Malaysians legally defined as Muslims cannot convert out of Islam without going through the Muslim Syariah court system. In 2005 Maniam Moorthy (also known as Mohammad Abdullah) was buried as a Muslim because official records indicated he had converted from Hinduism to Islam; his family protested as he had never given them any indication of conversion, and continued to practice the Hindu faith. The civil courts refused to hear the matter, and referred the Hindu family to the Muslim Syariah courts. In 2005, T. Saravanan converted from Hinduism to Islam, and filed an application in the Syariah Courts to dissolve his civil marriage and gain custody of his children. His wife, R. Subashini, insisted that only the civil courts could dissolve a civil marriage, but the civil courts held that they had no jurisdiction over the matter because as a Muslim Saravanan was now subject to Islamic family law. 2007 saw the case of Revathi Massosai, whose parents had registered her as a Muslim at birth, but had been raised as a practicing Hindu by her grandmother. When she filed an application to change her legal status from Muslim to Hindu, she was detained by Muslim religious authorities and sent for rehabilitation, where she claimed she was forced to consume beef and follow Muslim religious traditions. Numerous non-Muslim places of worship, primarily Hindu temples, have been demolished in recent years as illegal structures on public land. Non-Muslim activists claim that as historical landmarks, many of these buildings should have remained standing, and allege government discrimination in targeting non-Muslim places of worship. Interfaith dialogue has often been attacked as a challenge to the position of Islam, which is the official religion of Malaysia. Attempts to set up an Interfaith Commission have been rebuffed as a non-Muslim attempt to regulate Islamic beliefs, and civil society-organised forums on Muslim religious issues such as conversions have been forced to a premature close by vocal protests. Top government officials, including the present Prime Minister and his predecessor, have declared Malaysia an Islamic state although no related amendments to the law have been made. It is not clear what ramifications this has in store for the nonMuslim communities, but some fear this is an implicit justification for perceived injustices like the aforementioned cases. Mean Ranks Respondents were asked to rank on a 5-point scale the following statements, with â€Å"1† as â€Å"Fully Disagree† and â€Å"5† as â€Å"Fully Agree. The statements here read: â€Å"Government policies to help the poor should be for a particular group of Malaysians only. † â€Å"Government economic policies are good for national unity. â€Å"I think the NEP has been good to unite the country together. † IDENTITY and POLITICS 45% of Malaysians see themselves as Malaysian first, with 42% (including over half the Malays) identifying primarily as members of their respective ethnic groups. 12% believe they are equally Malaysians and equally members of their own ethnic communities. (Merdeka Centre Ethnic Relations Perceptions Poll) Young Malaysians have diff erent orientations; 40% say they see themselves as Malaysian first, but 39% — mostly Malay — identify primarily as the member of a religious group. 0% of Chinese Malaysian youths see themselves as a member of their own ethnic group first, as opposed to 7% each for the Malays, Indians and non-Muslim bumiputra. (DiGi Snapshot: MERDEKA Youth in Focus) Ethnic stereotyping is prevalent, with 58% of Malaysians saying Malays are lazy, 65% saying Chinese are greedy, and 58% saying Indians cannot be trusted. (Merdeka Centre Ethnic Relations Perceptions Poll) 70% of Malaysians believe they should help those from their own ethnic group first before helping others. Only 56% are more concerned about other Malaysians than their Muslim, Chinese or Indian counterparts overseas. (Merdeka Centre Ethnic Relations Perceptions Poll) 75% view their own culture as superior to other Malaysian cultures. However, 92% say they are happy to live in Malaysia because they get to enjoy different cultures. (Merdeka Centre Ethnic Relations Perceptions Poll) 67% of Malaysians want each ethnic group to maintain its own cultural identity; however, 10% of the Malays prefer all people to practice Malay cultural traditions. A further 25% of Malaysians would like to see different cultures mix and give birth to a new unique set of traditions. (Merdeka Centre Ethnic Relations Perceptions Poll) 90% are proud to be Malaysian, and 93% have never thought of emigrating to another country. (Merdeka Centre Ethnic Relations Perceptions Poll) 40% of Chinese and Indians believe they are second-class citizens. A vast majority of Malaysians — 94% — however say that no matter how difficult ethnic relationships sometimes get, Malaysians should consider themselves lucky to live here. Merdeka Centre Ethnic Relations Perceptions Poll) There is a clear divide about the political direction of the country. Non-Malays are nearly unanimous in hoping that all cultures and religions will be given equal rights, but this is shared by only 38% of the Malays. 16% favour a Malay-dominant country, while 43% would like a more Islamic country. (Merdeka Centre Ethnic Relations Perceptions Poll) While 46% of Malaysians, most of them Malay, believe that Malaysian society is mature enough to discuss racial and religious issues openly, 49% think that these issues are too sensitive to merit an open discussion. Merdeka Centre Ethnic Relations Perceptions Poll) 55% of Malaysians believe that politicians are to blame for segregating the people through racial politics. A slim majority of the Malays, however, disagree. (Merdeka Centre Ethnic Relations Perceptions Poll) The most popular of five different proposals to improve national unity was the implementation of just and fair government policies, favoured by 34% of Malaysians, especially 59% of the Chinese. The next-most popular suggestion was to hold more programs such as National Service and Rukun Tetangga, garnering support from 22%. (Merdeka Centre Ethnic Relations Perceptions Poll) Not H arm onious at al 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 Malay Chinese Indian/Others 0 10 20 30 40 race q7a_1 V er y Harmonious Percent Source: CPPS Minda Muda study Respondents from the Malay ethnic group rated religious harmony significantly higher than did those from Chinese and Indian/ others ethnic groups. This is visible from 22% of Malays giving high ratings (9 and 10 on a 10-point scale) to religious harmony, compared to 13% of Indians/others and only 1% of Chinese. The mean Malay rating for religious harmony was 7. 3, as opposed to 5. 5 for Chinese respondents and 6. 8 for Indians/Others. POLICY RECOMMENDATIONS The government’s focus should be on the initiatives to promote Malaysia’s domestic entrepreneurial capacity. As history has indicated, entrepreneurial capacity cannot be cultivated primarily through selective patronage and easy access to bank loans and government concessions. The need now is for the promotion of policies based on merit. Immediate implementation of a more merit-based public personnel system in the civil service for enhancing equality of opportunity in recruitment and career advancement. The various public service commissions should be made more representative in order to enhance public confidence in their guardianship of the merit system. Annual intake of fresh recruits should comprise 60 percent of Malays and 40 percent of non-Malays. Terminate the policy and practice of having some public tertiary institutions open to only specific ethnic groups. Set out clear and transparent criteria of admissions applicable to all public tertiary institutions. The criteria should include a weighting for socio-economic and geographical/regional background to compensate for socio-economic and geographical/ regional disadvantage. Introduce/expand the provision of scholarships for academic excellence, to be applied to the top 5 per cent of applicants/ enrolees in selected fields assessed as critical to Malaysia’s social, cultural and economic needs and future. Introduce a provision for scholarships to the next 5 per cent of applicants/enrolees in selected fields assessed as critical to the civil service. Introduce/ expand a loan scheme for all others that will be discounted in proportion to academic achievement, that is, achievement of highest honours will result in a conversion of 80 per cent of the loan to a scholarship, and so on. This addresses issues of affordability, while simultaneously factoring in an incentive to performance. End all explicit or implicit quotas in the recruitment and promotion of faculty as it is ridiculous to entrust the higher education of our young to any but the most qualified. Consideration should be given to the establishment of a special department or agency to look after non-Bumiputera ethnic minority affairs, and especially to provide oversight in the fair and unbiased implementation of government programmes. Such an agency should be broad based and include representatives from government, interest groups, ethnic minority communities and NGOs. National Unity CPPS Policy Factsheet: National Unity CPPS is pleased to bring to you its â€Å"CPPS Policy Fact Sheet† on national unity. In this factsheet, we will look at government policies which affect national unity and explore their effects on social cohesion and integrity in Malaysia. BACKGROUND Malaysia is one of the most plural and heterogeneous countries in the world, with three major ethnic groups — Malay, Chinese, and Indian — plus several other indigenous tribes. It has a checkered history, having been under four different colonial powers at one time or another since the 16th century. This ethnic and cultural diversity is reflected in the wide variety of languages spoken and religions practiced in Malaysia; even within the same ethnic group, various traditions prevail. Modern Malaysia is increasingly forced to confront the tensions arising from this fount of diversity, and the politics of race and religion. Malaysia has been free of ethnic bloodshed, but there remains much room for Malaysians to understand one another and to see each other as equal parts of an indivisible nation. National unity is a key target of government policy; the Department of National Unity is tasked with promoting greater integration amongst the country’s various communities. However, numerous government policies and laws differentiate between Malaysians on the basis of ethnic background, to the point that many feel they have been the target of discrimination. Overall Malaysians are pleased with the progress the country has made in coming to terms with its plural and diverse nature. Yet, there is still significant room for improvement and ensuring that every Malaysian believes there is a place for them under the Malaysian sun. FLASH POINTS The Department of National Unity defines national unity as â€Å"a situation in which all citizens from the various ethnic groups, religions, and states live in peace as one united nationality, giving full commitment to national identity based upon the Federal Constitution and the Rukunegara. † Wawasan 2020 (Vision 2020), a government policy targeting developed status for Malaysia by the year 2020, names national unity as a key component of a developed country. The â€Å"Bangsa Malaysia† (Malaysian Nation) policy mphasises â€Å"people being able to identify themselves with the country, speak Bahasa Malaysia (the Malay language) and accept the Constitution. † Prior to Bangsa Malaysia, the government’s main thrust towards national unity was the National Culture Policy implemented in 1971, which defined the â€Å"indigenous culture† and Islam as two important bases for the national culture. The 2006 National Education Blueprint targets ra cial polarisation in the school system, aiming to use classes on the Constitution and other such activities to bring students together, while promoting Mandarin and Tamil classes in national schools. In 2008, the government announced new quotas for government scholarships, with 55% allocated to the bumiputra and 45% for non-bumiputra; previously the quota stood at 90% to 10%. The old ethnic quota system in university admissions was abolished in 2004. The National Service programme which commenced in 2003 is meant to address racial polarisation and encourage national unity by bringing youths from a variety of backgrounds together in one setting. The New Economic Policy and other associated affirmative action programmes have helped dampen Malay fears of falling behind the rest of the nation socioeconomically, but also led to concerns of government-backed discrimination amongst the non -Malay communities. BASIC STATISTICS and FACTS Malays and other bumiputra comprise 65% of the population; Chinese make up 26%, and the Indians 8%. (2000 census) 60. 4% of Malaysians are Muslim, 19. 2% are Buddhist, 9. 1% are Christian, 6. 3% are Hindu, 2. % follow Confucianism/Taoism/ another traditional Chinese faith, and 2. 4% practice other faiths. (2000 census) 93% of Malays attend national schools, 90% of Chinese attend Chinese vernacular schools, and 70% of Indians attend Tamil vernacular schools. (Prime Minister’s address to the 2004 Malaysian Education Summit) Bumiputra corporate equity stands at 19. 4%. (Mid-Term Review of the 9th Malaysia Plan) 41% of Malaysians either describe national unity as â€Å"superficial† or â₠¬Å"imposed†, or believe there is no national unity at all in Malaysia. Merdeka Centre Ethnic Relations Perceptions Poll) 25% believe that Malaysians from different ethnic groups are drifting apart rather than becoming more united, and 15% believe that the situation will only worsen over the next decade. (Merdeka Centre Ethnic Relations Perceptions Poll) There is a clear correlation between age and mixing outside one’s own ethnic group; younger Malaysians are likelier to say they find it difficult to relate with those not from their own racial background, and less likely to say they like mixing with people of a different race. CPPS Minda Muda study) 22% do not have any friends from ethnic groups other than their own. Of those who do, 60% rarely or never take meals with their friends from other ethnic backgrounds. (Merdeka Centre Ethnic Relations Perceptions Poll) Roughly 2/3rds of young Malaysians’ close friends are primarily from the same ethnic group or religion as them. (CPPS Minda Muda study) Only 57% of Malaysians believe that government policies should focus on promoting interests common to all Malaysians, with 25% believing that government policies should focus on the interests of specific ethnic groups. Merdeka Centre Ethnic Relations Perceptions Poll) 75% of young Malays can say they have never been treated unfairly on account of their race; however, only 45% of their Chinese peers and 49% of the Indians say the same. For religious discrimination, the same figures stand at 82% for the Malays and 53% for others. (CPPS Minda Muda study) Recent polls suggest that ethnic inequality is the 2nd-most pressing issues faced by Malaysians, at 17%, with only price hikes and inflation considered more pressing, coming in at 20%. 3% are somewhat or very dissatisfied with government efforts to address ethnic inequality. (Merdeka Centre Voter Opinion Poll 4 th Quarter 2007) Article 153 of the Federal Constitution states: â€Å"It shall be the resp onsibility of the Yang di-Pertuan Agong to safeguard the special position of the Malays and natives of any of the States of Sabah and Sarawak and the legitimate interests of other communities in accordance with the provisions of this Article. † Article 153 has been used to permit quotas in the provision of public scholarships, civil service positions, and business licences. EDUCATION POLICIES Young Chinese Malaysians are considerably dissatisfied with the state of the education system when it comes to promoting national unity. (CPPS Minda Muda study) 64% of Chinese parents feel the education system is preparing students to be tolerant towards those of other races and religions, as opposed to 78% of Malay parents and 83% of Indian parents. (Merdeka Research Centre Education System Perceptions Survey) 86% of Malaysians believe that the time has come for a national education convention involving all races to review various aspects of our education policies. Merdeka Centre Education System Perceptions Survey) 42% of Malaysian youth reject a quota system for admissions to public universities. (Merdeka Centre Youth Expectations Survey) 37% of Malaysians believe that the streaming of primary education based on mother tongue will negatively affect ethnic relations in the long run. (Merdeka Centre Ethnic Relations Perceptions Poll) 12% believe that the best way to improve ethnic relations in the country is to standardise on one education system. Merdeka Centre Ethnic Relations Perceptions Poll) Incidents of intolerance in the school system are often publicised in the media. Recently, a teacher told her students Indians were monkeys and children of prostitutes. The government’s response in such cases has been unsatisfactory; in here, the teacher was only transferred, with no further apparent penalty. Students often attend different primary school systems according to their mother tongue, curbing opportunities for interaction between young of different ethnic backgrounds. At the secondary level, many bumiputra students opt for one of the MARA junior science colleges or other bumiputra-dominated boarding schools, further reducing young Malaysians’ exposure to peers from different backgrounds. Universiti Teknologi Mara (UiTM) is exclusively attended by bumiputra students; suggestions by Selangor Chief Minister Tan Sri Khalid Ibrahim that it take in 10% of non-bumiputra was protested violently by students. A former Minister of Higher Education publicly declared that he would never see non-bumiputra students set foot on the campus. Although the quota system for university admissions has been abolished, there are regular calls from within the ruling party (Umno) for its restoration. Suspicions remain that the quota system is still in place by de facto, as the proportion of admitted bumiputra continues to hover between 50% and 60%. The quota system for government scholarships remains, and moves to increase the non-bumiputra quota or abolish the quotas entirely have come under fire. National Service is a popular remedial programme for racial integration; 73% of youth believe it has a positive effect on national unity, and 87% say it ought to be retained. Merdeka Centre Youth Expectations Survey) ECONOMIC POLICIES The NEP has ended but broadly refers to affirmative action for the Bumiputera in social, economic, corporate, distributive trade, and educational aspects. Its relevance has been debated recently, with some groups calling to replace this with a non-racebased affirmative action policy, focusing instead on n eed and meritocracy. A key target of the NEP was to have the bumiputra control 30% of corporate equity by 1990; when this target was not met, successor policies continued with a variety of bumiputra preferences. The 30% goal remains a key target in economic policy, and claims that it has already been attained have met with withering criticism Under the Industrial Coordination Act, the state has wide-reaching powers to achieve the 30% target. This power was most frequently used in the 1970s, when vast restructuring of numerous private enterprises took place. Public corporations must have a bumiputra equity stake of at least 30%, although there are exceptions granted. Tax breaks for companies with 30% or more bumiputra ownership are common. The state has taken over several foreign enterprises and established numerous government-linked corporations (GLCs) with the explicit purpose of increasing the bumiputra equity share. Loose employment quotas apply to large establishments, which must employ staff in the same proportions as the overall ethnic composition of the country. Similar quotas also apply to the boards of directors for a number of firms. Civil service positions are subject to even more stringent quotas; a common and targeted ratio is 4 bumiputra to 1 non-bumiputra. There are overt bumiputra preferences in public procurement, where construction contracts, etc. re frequently given to bumiputra-controlled firms without an open tendering process. Government policy is to encourage GLCs to follow government procurement procedures, extending the preferences to the commercial sector. In a controversial move, Maybank in 2007 announced it would only utilise law firms with a bumiputra ownership stake of 51% or more; after public outcry, the policy was rolled back. Price discrimination, whereby the government subsidises bumiputra contractors’ bids, is also a frequent practice. All new real estate developments are required to provide a certain discount for bumiputra buyers. Shares in initial public offerings (IPOs) meant for bumiputra ownership are also frequently sold at a discount. No government policy has ever set explicit targets for inter- or intra-ethnic income inequality. The government monitors the incomes of various ethnic groups, but reducing income disparities or uplifting the poor in general is not a major priority. Studies indicate significant dissatisfaction amongst the Chinese population with the government’s economic policies, which a substantial number perceive as detrimental to national unity. CPPS Minda Muda study) 39% of Malaysian youth believe that Malay preferences in government assistance ought to be abolished. (Merdeka Centre Youth Expectations Survey) Source: CPPS Minda Muda study Policies for a Particular Group Only Sta teme nts on Econ Policies good for Economic unity Policie s 1. 17 1. 04 1. 96 0 1 2 3 4 5 2. 17 1. 93 2. 48 4. 01 3. 4 4. 2 Indian/Others Chinese Malay NEP good for unity RELIGION and the LAW Amongst non- Muslims, concern is growing that Islamic law as practiced in Malaysia impinges on some of their rights. The Lina Joy case in 2007 ended with the apex Federal Court ruling 2-1 that Malaysians legally defined as Muslims cannot convert out of Islam without going through the Muslim Syariah court system. In 2005 Maniam Moorthy (also known as Mohammad Abdullah) was buried as a Muslim because official records indicated he had converted from Hinduism to Islam; his family protested as he had never given them any indication of conversion, and continued to practice the Hindu faith. The civil courts refused to hear the matter, and referred the Hindu family to the Muslim Syariah courts. In 2005, T. Saravanan converted from Hinduism to Islam, and filed an application in the Syariah Courts to dissolve his civil marriage and gain custody of his children. His wife, R. Subashini, insisted that only the civil courts could dissolve a civil marriage, but the civil courts held that they had no jurisdiction over the matter because as a Muslim Saravanan was now subject to Islamic family law. 2007 saw the case of Revathi Massosai, whose parents had registered her as a Muslim at birth, but had been raised as a practicing Hindu by her grandmother. When she filed an application to change her legal status from Muslim to Hindu, she was detained by Muslim religious authorities and sent for rehabilitation, where she claimed she was forced to consume beef and follow Muslim religious traditions. Numerous non-Muslim places of worship, primarily Hindu temples, have been demolished in recent years as illegal structures on public land. Non-Muslim activists claim that as historical landmarks, many of these buildings should have remained standing, and allege government discrimination in targeting non-Muslim places of worship. Interfaith dialogue has often been attacked as a challenge to the position of Islam, which is the official religion of Malaysia. Attempts to set up an Interfaith Commission have been rebuffed as a non-Muslim attempt to regulate Islamic beliefs, and civil society-organised forums on Muslim religious issues such as conversions have been forced to a premature close by vocal protests. Top government officials, including the present Prime Minister and his predecessor, have declared Malaysia an Islamic state although no related amendments to the law have been made. It is not clear what ramifications this has in store for the nonMuslim communities, but some fear this is an implicit justification for perceived injustices like the aforementioned cases. Mean Ranks Respondents were asked to rank on a 5-point scale the following statements, with â€Å"1† as â€Å"Fully Disagree† and â€Å"5† as â€Å"Fully Agree. The statements here read: â€Å"Government policies to help the poor should be for a particular group of Malaysians only. † â€Å"Government economic policies are good for national unity. â€Å"I think the NEP has been good to unite the country together. † IDENTITY and POLITICS 45% of Malaysians see themselves as Malaysian first, with 42% (including over half the Malays) identifying primarily as members of their respective ethnic groups. 12% believe they are equally Malaysians and equally members of their own ethnic communities. (Merdeka Centre Ethnic Relations Perceptions Poll) Young Malaysians have diff erent orientations; 40% say they see themselves as Malaysian first, but 39% — mostly Malay — identify primarily as the member of a religious group. 0% of Chinese Malaysian youths see themselves as a member of their own ethnic group first, as opposed to 7% each for the Malays, Indians and non-Muslim bumiputra. (DiGi Snapshot: MERDEKA Youth in Focus) Ethnic stereotyping is prevalent, with 58% of Malaysians saying Malays are lazy, 65% saying Chinese are greedy, and 58% saying Indians cannot be trusted. (Merdeka Centre Ethnic Relations Perceptions Poll) 70% of Malaysians believe they should help those from their own ethnic group first before helping others. Only 56% are more concerned about other Malaysians than their Muslim, Chinese or Indian counterparts overseas. (Merdeka Centre Ethnic Relations Perceptions Poll) 75% view their own culture as superior to other Malaysian cultures. However, 92% say they are happy to live in Malaysia because they get to enjoy different cultures. (Merdeka Centre Ethnic Relations Perceptions Poll) 67% of Malaysians want each ethnic group to maintain its own cultural identity; however, 10% of the Malays prefer all people to practice Malay cultural traditions. A further 25% of Malaysians would like to see different cultures mix and give birth to a new unique set of traditions. (Merdeka Centre Ethnic Relations Perceptions Poll) 90% are proud to be Malaysian, and 93% have never thought of emigrating to another country. (Merdeka Centre Ethnic Relations Perceptions Poll) 40% of Chinese and Indians believe they are second-class citizens. A vast majority of Malaysians — 94% — however say that no matter how difficult ethnic relationships sometimes get, Malaysians should consider themselves lucky to live here. Merdeka Centre Ethnic Relations Perceptions Poll) There is a clear divide about the political direction of the country. Non-Malays are nearly unanimous in hoping that all cultures and religions will be given equal rights, but this is shared by only 38% of the Malays. 16% favour a Malay-dominant country, while 43% would like a more Islamic country. (Merdeka Centre Ethnic Relations Perceptions Poll) While 46% of Malaysians, most of them Malay, believe that Malaysian society is mature enough to discuss racial and religious issues openly, 49% think that these issues are too sensitive to merit an open discussion. Merdeka Centre Ethnic Relations Perceptions Poll) 55% of Malaysians believe that politicians are to blame for segregating the people through racial politics. A slim majority of the Malays, however, disagree. (Merdeka Centre Ethnic Relations Perceptions Poll) The most popular of five different proposals to improve national unity was the implementation of just and fair government policies, favoured by 34% of Malaysians, especially 59% of the Chinese. The next-most popular suggestion was to hold more programs such as National Service and Rukun Tetangga, garnering support from 22%. (Merdeka Centre Ethnic Relations Perceptions Poll) Not H arm onious at al 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 Malay Chinese Indian/Others 0 10 20 30 40 race q7a_1 V er y Harmonious Percent Source: CPPS Minda Muda study Respondents from the Malay ethnic group rated religious harmony significantly higher than did those from Chinese and Indian/ others ethnic groups. This is visible from 22% of Malays giving high ratings (9 and 10 on a 10-point scale) to religious harmony, compared to 13% of Indians/others and only 1% of Chinese. The mean Malay rating for religious harmony was 7. 3, as opposed to 5. 5 for Chinese respondents and 6. 8 for Indians/Others. POLICY RECOMMENDATIONS The government’s focus should be on the initiatives to promote Malaysia’s domestic entrepreneurial capacity. As history has indicated, entrepreneurial capacity cannot be cultivated primarily through selective patronage and easy access to bank loans and government concessions. The need now is for the promotion of policies based on merit. Immediate implementation of a more merit-based public personnel system in the civil service for enhancing equality of opportunity in recruitment and career advancement. The various public service commissions should be made more representative in order to enhance public confidence in their guardianship of the merit system. Annual intake of fresh recruits should comprise 60 percent of Malays and 40 percent of non-Malays. Terminate the policy and practice of having some public tertiary institutions open to only specific ethnic groups. Set out clear and transparent criteria of admissions applicable to all public tertiary institutions. The criteria should include a weighting for socio-economic and geographical/regional background to compensate for socio-economic and geographical/ regional disadvantage. Introduce/expand the provision of scholarships for academic excellence, to be applied to the top 5 per cent of applicants/ enrolees in selected fields assessed as critical to Malaysia’s social, cultural and economic needs and future. Introduce a provision for scholarships to the next 5 per cent of applicants/enrolees in selected fields assessed as critical to the civil service. Introduce/ expand a loan scheme for all others that will be discounted in proportion to academic achievement, that is, achievement of highest honours will result in a conversion of 80 per cent of the loan to a scholarship, and so on. This addresses issues of affordability, while simultaneously factoring in an incentive to performance. End all explicit or implicit quotas in the recruitment and promotion of faculty as it is ridiculous to entrust the higher education of our young to any but the most qualified. Consideration should be given to the establishment of a special department or agency to look after non-Bumiputera ethnic minority affairs, and especially to provide oversight in the fair and unbiased implementation of government programmes. Such an agency should be broad based and include representatives from government, interest groups, ethnic minority communities and NGOs.